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The Naming Project: Gabriel

What We Know About Gabriel

Gabriel’s name first appeared in the documentary record when Dr. Charles Taylor was called to attend to him during a bout of illness, lasting from February to April in 1817. Dr. Taylor’s bill[1] shows that he made 11 or 12 visits to Gabriel during that time. In his first visit on February 19, Dr. Taylor gave Gabriel several medicines that suggest treatment for a painful wound, burn, or tumor, including laudanum (a mixture of opium and alcohol), camphor, and basilicon ointment, which could be used to draw pus from a wound.

Dr. Taylor returned on February 27 and 28 to treat Gabriel with “Sundry Med: Dressing &ce,” indicating that he was dressing Gabriel’s wound and giving him various medications. (The abbreviation “&ce” means “et cetera.”) In subsequent visits, Dr. Taylor tried a series of medicines, including “Eskarotic Powder” (a caustic used to burn away tissue or tumors) on March 27, and Turner’s Cerate (a drying ointment made with calamine) on April 17 and again on April 25-26. On June 5 Dr. Taylor noted giving Gabriel “Empl.”, likely an abbreviation for the Latin term “emplastrum,” meaning a plaster such as a mustard plaster or other blister plaster.

Dr. Charles Taylor billed James Madison for a dozen visits to Gabriel between February 19 and June 5, 1817. (The abbreviation “Do.” stands for “Ditto,” meaning the same patient as on the line above.) Courtesy of James Madison Papers, Library of Congress.

Dr. Taylor did not visit Gabriel for the rest of the summer in 1817, but his next bill included a $25 charge for “Viseting Dressings &c from 1st Septr 1817 To 27th Augst. 1818 for Gabriel.”[2] (August 27 was the closing date of the bill.) Perhaps Gabriel’s condition had flared up again, or the wound had never fully healed. Dr. Taylor did not specify the number of visits he made or the medicines he used to treat Gabriel for what seems to have become a chronic, or perhaps slowly improving, condition.

August 27, 1818, was the last time that Dr. Taylor treated Gabriel. His third bill, covering medical care for members of the enslaved community from September 1818 to November 1819, made no mention of Gabriel. Presumably Gabriel had recovered from his long bout of illness.

(The alternate possibility is that Gabriel dropped out of Dr. Taylor’s records because he died from his condition in August 1818. If so, that would mean that there are two enslaved men named Gabriel: the man described above, whom Dr. Taylor treated from 1817 to 1818, and the man described below, who was enslaved by John Payne Todd from 1844 to 1852.)

 

“Gabriel abt 50 yrs”

During the 1840s and 1850s, Gabriel’s name appeared in a number of documents related to John Payne Todd. As creditors brought lawsuits against both Todd and his mother Dolley Madison, Todd periodically made lists of enslaved people in his journal. The lists were untitled, but they imply that Todd was contemplating the possibility of selling enslaved people.

In June 1844, Todd made a list of 18 people, most with their ages, and some with a likely selling price. He appraised 52-year-old Gabriel at $200. [3] (Two legal documents from 1844 and 1846 listed Gabriel’s age as “abt 50 yrs.” Despite their inconsistencies, these three sources together suggest that Gabriel was born between 1792 and 1796.[4]) Todd valued the other men on the June 1844 list, who were between 23 and 37 years old, at $400 or $500. Todd may have assigned Gabriel a lower value because of his age. It is also possible (assuming that Gabriel is the same man whom Dr. Taylor treated in 1817 and 1818) that Gabriel may have had lingering effects from the wound that was so slow to heal, such as a limp or difficulty standing for long periods, that affected his ability to do physical labor.

In July 1844, Gabriel became a pawn in a lawsuit brought against Dolley Madison. The lawsuit hinged on a promissory note for $2,600, which Dolley Madison had given to her son in 1841. Todd in turn had endorsed the promissory note to William Smith.[5] By 1843, Todd had not fulfilled the promise to pay, and Smith successfully sued Dolley Madison for the value of the note.[6] On July 1, 1844 the Orange County Court ordered a lien attached on 16 of the people Dolley Madison enslaved, including Gabriel, to ensure payment to Smith.[7]

As in similar suits brought against Dolley Madison and John Payne Todd, Gabriel and the other enslaved people likely remained at Montpelier or Toddsberth, Todd’s Orange county plantation, while the legal proceedings played out. (It appears that the debt was eventually paid by Henry Moncure in November 1844. Moncure, who bought Montpelier in August 1844, also purchased some of the enslaved people who had been attached in this suit. He likely paid off the lien to ensure his clear title to the enslaved. [8])

Gabriel, along with Thom, Nicholas Jr., Ben, Violet, Edward, Willoughby, Mathew, Milly, Hannah, Jim, Randal, Milly, Charlotte, Elizabeth, and Caty were named on the outer panel of this document, which ordered the sheriff to “attach” enough of Dolley Madison’s “goods and chattels” to pay a debt owed to William Smith. Deputy sheriff William Frazer and sheriff Ambrose Madison (James Madison’s nephew) executed the order. Courtesy of State Records Center, Richmond, Virginia.

In the midsummer of 1844, Dolley Madison transferred all the people whom she enslaved to her son John Payne Todd, probably to prevent them from being seized either in the William Smith case or other pending lawsuits. The transfer was accomplished in two deeds, made out on July 16 and 17. “Gabriel abt 50 yrs” was listed on the July 16 deed of gift. (Possibly the transfer happened earlier, as some copies of the deeds are dated June rather than July.) [9]

 

Gabriel at Toddsberth

Gabriel remained at Toddsberth for several years. John Payne Todd made occasional mention of Gabriel in his journal. On August 24, 1844, under the heading “Mr. Graves,” Todd wrote “negroes, valuation” and on the next line “Charles & Gabriel for Chew[ning].” It is not clear how the items are related. Todd may have intended to give a valuation of Charles and Gabriel to the unspecified Mr. Graves, or may have intended to lease Charles and Gabriel to Henry Moncure’s overseer Chewning. A November 1845 journal entry referring to “Gabriels hire” suggests that Todd did lease Gabriel out from time to time. [10]

Gabriel also acted as a courier for Todd, likely while driving a horse and wagon. On March 9, 1846, Todd made a journal entry that he “rec[eived]d a letter by Gabriel from T. Carpenter.” On another page where Todd listed amounts of money paid or collected on various days in July 1847, he noted, “Friday & Sat. unaccounted for Gabriel,” possibly indicating that Gabriel was collecting money or making payments for him and had not yet accounted for those days. “Matt and Gabl” appear in another notation on this page in relation to money, suggesting that both Mathew and Gabriel delivered or collected payments.[11] When Todd requested information from the clerk of the Orange County Court on July 9, 1847, he closed the letter,

“I send Gabriel to yr office”

– another indication of Gabriel’s role as a courier. [12]

Gabriel’s relationships with other members of the enslaved community are unclear, but one hint emerges from a list of 36 enslaved people, which Todd wrote in between journal entries dated April and May 1845. Todd did not list the ages or valuations of the people on this list, so its purpose is uncertain. Among the names on the list are

“Gabriel & Daughter”

This is unusual; children were typically grouped with their mothers, not their fathers, on legal and other documents. (The April/May 1845 list, for example, also includes “Caty & 2 children,” “Becca & 3 children,” and “3 children of Judy.”) Was Gabriel raising a young daughter after his wife’s death? Or was she Gabriel’s adult daughter, whose name slipped Todd’s mind when he composed the list from memory?[13]

 

A Starke Debt

On January 26, 1846, John Payne Todd signed a deed of trust with Starke W. Morris, a Louisa county lawyer to whom Todd owed $375. The deed of trust secured the debt using all of Todd’s assets: the Toddsberth plantation, his household furnishings, and eight enslaved people, including

“ a negro man named Gabriel about 50 yrs old.”[14]

If Todd defaulted on the debt, county clerk Philip S. Fry was authorized to sell as many of Todd’s assets as necessary to repay the debt to Morris. Gabriel may or may not have known that he and the other members of the enslaved community were now serving as Todd’s collateral.

Judging from the ages of the enslaved at Toddsberth – most were middle-aged or elderly – Todd was not using his plantation to produce crops for market on any significant scale. (Willoughby was about ten years older than Gabriel; Mathew and Winnie Stewart were about five years younger than Gabriel.[15] Additionally, Winnie referred to other enslaved people as “Old Man Guy,” “Aunt Julia,” and “Uncle Randall,” which probably means they were at least a generation older than she was.[16]) Gabriel and the other people enslaved at Toddsberth were often on their own, while Todd traveled to Washington, Baltimore, Boston, and other cities. Perhaps it was a relief not to be closely monitored, but Gabriel and the rest of the community may have guessed that life at Toddsberth would not remain this way indefinitely.

 

A Starker Fate

John Payne Todd died in Washington DC on January 17, 1852. He had written his will just three weeks earlier, promising “immediate freedom” to “all my slaves whether in the District of Columbia or the State of Virginia or else where,” as well as $200 each to 15 enslaved people whom he listed by name, including “Gabrial.”[17]

Todd, however, had not taken his debts into account when making these bequests. Creditors had claims against his assets, and his assets were primarily enslaved people. Gabriel, along with other members of the enslaved community at Toddsberth, was liable to be sold.

The lengthy process of settling the estate began with an inventory of Toddsberth on September 28, 1852. Gabriel, in his late 50s, was valued at $100, the same value as Willoughby, who was in his late 60s.[18] The fact that Gabriel was valued comparably with a man ten years his senior, aligns with the possibility that he was the person treated by Dr. Taylor in 1817 and 1818, and had some degree of disability afterward.

Gabriel’s next appearance in the documentary record was in May 1854. Starke W. Morris, the Louisa county lawyer to whom Todd owed money, sued the administrator of Todd’s estate (Orange County sheriff Elhanon Row), and was awarded $200 plus interest and court costs. On May 13, the court ordered Orange County coroner Richard Richards to seize and sell enough of Todd’s “goods and chattels” to repay Morris.[19] On the back of the court order is a notation that on May 16, Richards served the order “on a parcel of books In possession of Richard S Bowler,” and on May 22, he served the same order “on one negro man … given in to me by said Bowler by the name of Gabriel.”

A stack of books and a human being were heading toward the auction block.

Clerk of Court Philip S. Fry filled out this form ordering Richard Richards to seize John Payne Todd’s “good and chattels” to pay what Todd had owed to Starke W. Morris. Notations on the reverse of the form show that the order was executed on a “parcel of books” and the enslaved man Gabriel. Apparently Todd’s books, Gabriel, and perhaps other people whom Todd had enslaved, were in the charge of deputy sheriff Richard S. Boulware (here misspelled as “Bowler.”) Courtesy of State Records Center, Richmond, Virginia.

Richard Richards made one final note on the the back of the court order:

“Sale advertised for the first day of Orange June Court 1854 & [stopped] by injunction.”

What did this mean for Gabriel, who was about to be sold until the injunction put the sale on hold? The injunction, which might offer a clue, has not yet come to light. Possibly the court wanted to take other creditors’ competing claims into account before selling Gabriel. Another possibility is that the injunction related to the books rather than Gabriel himself. James Madison had bequeathed a significant portion of his library to the University of Virginia, and that bequest was still unfulfilled at the time of Todd’s death. The sale may have been delayed until it could be determined whether this “parcel of books” included any Madison books that were intended for the University. The minutes of the Board of Visitors indicate that the University received its share of Madison’s library in the month of June 1854,[20] near the time that the sale of Gabriel and the “parcel of books” was halted.

 

New Research: Another Chapter for Gabriel

New research into an Orange County Chancery Court case titled Administrator of John P. Todd vs. Starke W. Morris’ Executor and others[21] has revealed more details about Gabriel’s experiences after the death of John Payne Todd. (The Chancery Court records are now available on the Library of Viriginia’s Virginia Memory website.)

The case was brought in June 1854 by Elhanon Row, the Orange County sheriff who became Todd’s administrator when his executor was unwilling to serve. Knowing that Starke Morris and other creditors had claims against Todd’s estate, and suspecting that Todd’s assets were insufficient to pay all claims, Row wanted the court to decide how much each creditor should receive.[22] To resolve the case, the court appointed a commissioner to review the assets and liabilities of Todd’s estate. The commissioner’s report, filed in 1860, opens a remarkable window into the settling of the estate, and particularly on its impact on the lives of the enslaved.

In the years between Todd’s death and the settling of the estate, Row hired out any enslaved people who were able to work, with the price of their hire returning to the estate as income. The commissioner’s report shows that Gabriel was hired out for $76 for the year 1853, and for $68 for the year of 1854. The report does not indicate who had hired Gabriel.[23] It may have been deputy sheriff Richard Boulware, who was also renting space to the estate to store Todd’s books. Gabriel and the books seemed to be already in Boulware’s custody when Richard Richards attempted in May 1854 to execute the Circuit Court’s order to sell Gabriel, along with some of the books, to pay the claim of Starke Morris. [24]

The announced sale of Gabriel and the books was probably Elhanon Row’s motivation to take his case to the Chancery Court, to prevent the estate’s assets (including the enslaved people) from being sold off piecemeal before all creditors’ claims were considered. Gabriel was set to be sold on June 26, 1854,[25] but (as discussed above), the court issued an injunction to prevent the sale.

What did this mean from Gabriel’s perspective? Was he relieved when the sale was called off? Or, knowing that he was not going to gain the freedom Todd’s will had promised, would he have preferred to know where he was going next, rather than continue to live with uncertainty?

As the lawsuit slowly made its way through the court, Gabriel was hired out again for the year of 1855 for $71.[26] Although the commissioner’s report does not indicate who hired him, it may have been Thomas W. Bond. Gabriel became ill in August 1855, and Dr. Edmund Taliaferro billed Todd’s estate for his visit to Gabriel on August 16, 1855, “at Mr. Bond’s.” Dr. Taliaferro gave Gabriel two medicines, a “mixture” as well as pills, for his condition.[27]

The year 1855 was the last year that Gabriel was hired out. The seven enslaved people remaining in Todd’s estate were sold on January 1, 1856. Thomas W. Bond purchased Gabriel for $205, as well as the married couple Mathew and Winnie Stewart for $440.[28]

Gabriel, along with Willoughby, Amy, Mathew and Winnie Stewart, and Guy and Julia Sheppard, were sold on January 1, 1856. Other enslaved people in John Payne Todd’s estate died before the time of the sale: Aleck in 1854[29], and Ralph or Randall (or possibly both) in 1855.[30] Orange County (Va.) Chancery Causes, 1736-1952 (bulk 1736-1913). Admr. or John P. Todd vs. Starke W. Morris &etc., 1860-021. Courtesy of The Library of Virginia.

Gabriel had been appraised at only $100. In his late 50s or early 60s, Gabriel was unlikely to be purchased by the slave traders who wanted young, strong workers whom they could sell farther south. Thomas W. Bond, however, was willing to pay just over twice Gabriel’s appraisal price. Perhaps he had come to value Gabriel’s skills as a driver and courier during the time he had hired Gabriel.

 

Freedom Denied, or Freedom Delayed?

Despite the provisions of John Payne Todd’s will, Gabriel did not receive his freedom and $200 at Todd’s death. Instead, after years of uncertainty, someone paid just over $200 to Todd’s estate to continue enslaving Gabriel.

What happened to Gabriel next is unknown. If Gabriel lived to see freedom, it came a decade later, as a result of the Emancipation Proclamation, the end of the Civil War, and the 13th Amendment.

References

[1] Charles Taylor, Account with James Madison, November 19, 1816 – July 14, 1817, James Madison Papers, Library of Congress, Washington, DC, accessed May 4, 2021, MRD-S 16686, Montpelier Research Database. See the Founders Online explanatory notes on the medications.

[2] Charles Taylor, Account with James Madison, July 25, 1817 – August 27, 1818, James Madison Papers, Library of Congress, Washington, DC, accessed May 5, 2021, MRD-S 22255, Montpelier Research Database.

[3] John Payne Todd, List of Slaves, [June 1844], extracted from John Payne Todd, Journal and Letterbook, 1844-1847, The Peter Force Collection; Series 8, MS 17134, Library of Congress, Washington, DC, accessed May 5, 2021, MRD-S 29157, Montpelier Research Database.

[4] Dolley Payne Todd Madison, Declaration of Certain Slaves to John Payne Todd, July 16, 1844, box 3, folder Deeds Conveying Slaves and other property from Dolley Madison to John Payne Todd, 1844 Jun 16-Jul 17, Papers of Notable Virginia Families, MS 2988, Special Collections, University of Virginia Library, Charlottesville, Virginia, accessed May 5, 2021, MRD-S 27300, Montpelier Research Database; Indenture between John Payne Todd, Philip S. Fry and Starke W. Morris, January 26, 1846, box 3, folder Jan–May 1846, Papers of Dolley Madison, Library of Congress, Washington, DC, accessed May 5, 2021, MRD-S 23389, Montpelier Research Database; John Payne Todd, List of Slaves, [June 1844], extracted from John Payne Todd, Journal and Letterbook, 1844-1847, The Peter Force Collection; Series 8, MS 17134, Library of Congress, Washington, DC, accessed May 4, 2021, MRD-S 29157, Montpelier Research Database.

[5] Dolley Payne Todd Madison, Promissory Note to John Payne Todd, Assigned to William Smith, August 1, 1840 with Financial Record of Transactions, August 5, 1841 and January 14, 1843, box 36, folder 12, Orange County: Judgments, Circuit Superior Court of Law and Chancery, 1844 May-Oct, State Records Center, Richmond, Virginia, accessed May 6, 2021, MRD-S 25387, Montpelier Research Database.

[6] Declaration of William Smith, 1844, box 36, folder 12, Orange County: Judgments, Circuit Superior Court of Law and Chancery, 1844 May-Oct, State Records Center, Richmond, Virginia, accessed May 6, 2021, MRD-S 25385, Montpelier Research Database.

[7] Judgment and Attachment of Dolley Payne Todd Madison’s Property, July 1, 1844, box 36, folder 12, Orange County: Judgments, Circuit Superior Court of Law and Chancery, 1844 May-Oct, State Records Center, Richmond, Virginia, accessed May 5, 2021, MRD-S 25386, Montpelier Research Database.

[8] Judgment Executed Against Slaves, with Notes of Payments, William Smith, October 13, 1844 and November 26, 1844, box 6, folder 1844 K-Z, Orange County: Record Series: Execution (fifas), 1829-1845, State Records Center, Richmond, Virginia, accessed May 5, 2021, MRD-S 34691, Montpelier Research Database.

[9] Dolley Payne Todd Madison, Declaration of Certain Slaves to John Payne Todd, July 16, 1844, box 3, folder Deeds Conveying Slaves and other property from Dolley Madison to John Payne Todd, 1844 Jun 16-Jul 17, Papers of Notable Virginia Families, MS 2988, Special Collections, University of Virginia Library, Charlottesville, Virginia, accessed May 5, 2021, MRD-S 27300, Montpelier Research Database; Dolley Payne Todd Madison, Schedule and Transfer of Slaves to John Payne Todd, Document A, June 16, 1844, box 629, folder Wall File J, 2, Orange County Ended Chancery, Ended Dates: 1847-1848, Orange County Courthouse, Orange, Virginia, accessed May 7, 2021, MRD-S 26249, Montpelier Research Database.

[10] John Payne Todd, Journal and Letterbook, 1844-1847, Peter Force Papers and Collection; Series 8, MS 17137, Library of Congress, Washington, DC, accessed May 5, 2021, MRD-S 27454, Montpelier Research Database.

[11] John Payne Todd, Journal and Letterbook, 1844-1847, Peter Force Papers and Collection; Series 8, MS 17137, Library of Congress, Washington, DC, accessed May 5, 2021, MRD-S 27454, Montpelier Research Database.

[12] John Payne Todd to [Philip S. Fry], July 9, 1847, box 629, folder Wall File J, 3, Orange County Ended Chancery, Ended Dates: 1847-1848, Orange County Courthouse, Orange, Virginia, accessed May 5, 2021, MRD-S 26269, Montpelier Research Database.

[13] John Payne Todd, List of Slaves, [April or May 1845], extracted from John Payne Todd, Journal and Letterbook, 1844-1847, The Peter Force Collection; Series 8, MS 17137, Library of Congress, Washington, DC, accessed May 5, 2021, MRD-S 29160, Montpelier Research Database.

[14] Indenture between John Payne Todd, Philip S. Fry and Starke W. Morris, January 26, 1846, box 3, folder Jan–May 1846, Papers of Dolley Madison, Library of Congress, Washington, DC, accessed May 5, 2021, MRD-S 23389, Montpelier Research Database. Ann Miller’s notes on this record in the database have been especially helpful in interpreting the legal issues surrounding this document.

[15] Dolley Payne Todd Madison, Declaration of Certain Slaves to John Payne Todd, July 16, 1844, box 3, folder Deeds Conveying Slaves and other property from Dolley Madison to John Payne Todd, 1844 Jun 16-Jul 17 , Papers of Notable Virginia Families, MS 2988, Special Collections, University of Virginia Library, Charlottesville, Virginia., accessed May 5, 2021, MRD-S 27300, Montpelier Research Database.

[16] Winnie to Matthew Stewart, January 1851, Papers of Dolley Madison, Library of Congress, Washington, DC, accessed May 10, 2021, MRD-S 30880, Montpelier Research Database.

[17] John Payne Todd, Will dated December 31, 1851, with Certificate of Register of Will of the Orphan’s Court of Washington, DC, box 22, RG 2; Superior Court, District of Columbia Archives, Washington, DC, accessed May 10, 2021, MRD-S 24594, Montpelier Research Database.

[18] Inventory and appraisal of John Payne Todd’s Estate, September 28, 1852, Will Book 12:18-20 and loose papers, Orange County Courthouse, Orange, Virginia, accessed May 10, 2021, MRD-S 23936, Montpelier Research Database.

[19] Order to Take the Goods and Chattels of John Payne Todd, May 13, 1854, box 7, Orange Court Records: County and Superior Courts Executions (Fifas) 1845-1932, State Records Center, Richmond, Virginia, accessed May 10, 2021, MRD-S 25044, Montpelier Research Database.

[20] Grant S. Quertermous, “Chronology of the Dispersal of Madison’s Library,” research report, August 27, 2013, Montpelier Foundation, Orange, Virginia, accessed May 11, 2021, MRD-S 43491, Montpelier Research Database.

[21] Administrator of John P. Todd vs. Starke W. Morris’ Executor and others, 1860, Orange County (Va.) Chancery Causes, 1736-1952, MS 1860-021,  Library of Virginia, Richmond, Virginia, accessed September 8, 2023, MRD-S 48396, Montpelier Research Database.

[22] Elhanon Row to Richard H. Field, complaint, June 10, 1854, Orange County (Va.) Chancery Causes, 1736-1952, MS 1860-021, Library of Virginia, Richmond, Virginia, accessed September 14, 2023, MRD-S 48447, Montpelier Research Database.

[23] James Chapman, Commissioner’s Report, Todd’s adr vs. Morris exor, March 30, 1860, Orange County (Va.) Chancery Causes, 1736-1952, MS 1860-021, Library of Virginia, Richmond, Virginia, accessed September 14, 2023, MRD-S 48421, Montpelier Research Database.

[24] Order to Take the Goods and Chattels of John Payne Todd, May 13, 1854, box 7, Orange Court Records: County and Superior Courts Executions (Fifas) 1845-1932, State Records Center, Richmond, Virginia, accessed September 14, 2023, MRD-S 25044, Montpelier Research Database.

[25] Richard Richards, Notice of Coroner’s Sale, May 22, 1854, Orange County (Va.) Chancery Causes, 1736-1952, MS 1860-021, Library of Virginia, Richmond, Virginia, accessed September 19, 2023, MRD-S 48424, Montpelier Research Database. The notice gave the sale date as “the fourth Monday in next month,” which was June 26, 1854.

[26] James Chapman, Commissioner’s Report, Todd’s adr vs. Morris exor, March 30, 1860, Orange County (Va.) Chancery Causes, 1736-1952, MS 1860-021, Library of Virginia, Richmond, Virginia, accessed September 19, 2023, MRD-S 48421, Montpelier Research Database.

[27] Edmund Taliaferro to Elhanon Row, receipt of payment for medical services, August 16, 1855, Orange County (Va.) Chancery Causes, 1736-1952, MS 1860-021, Library of Virginia, Richmond, Virginia, accessed September 14, 2023, MRD-S 48444, Montpelier Research Database.

[28] Sale of the Slaves of the late Jno. P. Todd, January 1, 1856, Orange County (Va.) Chancery Causes, 1736-1952, MS 1860-021, Library of Virginia, Richmond, Virginia, accessed September 19, 2023, MRD-S 48374, Montpelier Research Database.

[29] A. G. Nichols to Elhanon Row, receipt for burial expenses for Aleck, August 8, 1854, Orange County (Va.) Chancery Causes, 1736-1952, MS 1860-021, Library of Virginia, Richmond, Virginia, accessed September 19, 2023, MRD-S 48418, Montpelier Research Database.

[30] Fleming Lipscomb to Elhanon Row, receipt for coffins and plank, August 23, 1859, Orange County (Va.) Chancery Causes, 1736-1952, MS 1860-021, Library of Virginia, Richmond, Virginia, accessed September 19, 2023, MRD-S 48430, Montpelier Research Database.

Why did James Madison have a temple in his front yard? He didn’t come here to pray– it wasn’t that kind of temple. Maybe it reminded him of the ancient Roman temple where the “flame of Liberty” was kept burning. But what does “liberty” mean? Does it mean that you can do anything you want? Whenever you want? Of course not! Can you imagine a whole country of people doing whatever they want? Imagine how quickly things would get out of control!

Things were getting out of control after the colonies broke away from the King of England during the American Revolution. The new states didn’t have a good system to govern themselves. They needed a rulebook. They needed a constitution.

Enter James Madison. He read lots of books right here at Montpelier that gave him ideas about the rules that other countries played by, if they didn’t have a king. Madison went to Philadelphia and worked with people from many different states to write a Constitution. His ideas were so helpful that now he is known as the “Father of the Constitution.”

What does the Constitution say about who makes the rules? Instead of a king, it’s “We The People.” The Constitution gives citizens the FREEDOM to govern themselves, to choose their own leaders, and to make their own laws and rules. The Constitution also protects the people’s rights like freedom of speech, freedom of religion, and freedom of the press.

At first the Constitution didn’t allow everyone to participate in government, but over the past 240 years, Americans have made changes — things called Amendments– that let more people have rights, and vote, and run for office. Now “We the People” means just about “All the People!”

The United States Constitution is the modern world’s longest lasting Constitution, and many countries have used it as a model when they wrote their own Constitutions . And just think: it all began right here, on this plantation, Montpelier. That’s how Montpelier made its mark on the world!

Madison was the 4th President, but can you guess six other Presidents who came to Montpelier?

Madison’s best friends were Presidents 3 and 5. Maybe you’ll visit their homes, Monticello and Highland. Who were they? … Thomas Jefferson and James Monroe!

President Number 7 visited Montpelier in 1832. Someone in your family might have his picture right now – he’s on the $20 bill. Who was he? … Andrew Jackson!

Three other Presidents visited Montpelier after Madison’s lifetime. They might be harder to guess, but let’s give it a try.

President Number 19 came in 1878, and gave a speech in praise of Madison and the Constitution. In fact, his last name rhymes with “praise.” Any guesses?… Rutherford B. Hayes!

President Number 26 came to Montpelier on Thanksgiving Day 1907, when the duPonts lived here. A toy bear is named for him. Who was he? … Teddy Roosevelt!

And finally, President Number 41 came here in 1991 for the 200th anniversary of the Bill of Rights. His son was a President too. Can you guess? … George H. W. Bush!

That’s a lot of Presidents who made their mark on Montpelier. And today you’re here! Now you’re part of Montpelier’s story too.

Sometimes the people who lived at Montpelier chose to make their mark, but other times they were forced to make their mark. From the time President Madison’s grandparents came to Montpelier, it was a plantation––a huge farm–where enslaved people of African descent grew crops like tobacco, wheat, and corn and did many other jobs to make money for the Madison family. People who were enslaved had many skills and worked hard, but they didn’t get the benefit.

It was not only enslaved adults that labored for the Madisons, but enslaved children were also forced to do a lot of different tasks such as gathering firewood, helping in the kitchens, hauling water, cleaning stables, and… making bricks. Look at this huge house in front of you— each and every one of these bricks was made one at a time, by hand. On plantations, brick-making was often a task given to enslaved children. They pressed wet clay into rectangular-shaped molds. Then the bricks were left in the sun to “bake,” and once enough bricks were made they “fired” them to harden them. Have you ever pressed your fingers into wet clay? What happens when you do that? Your fingerprints make a mark. That’s exactly what happened here when enslaved people were making bricks to build this house. As you walk around the house, see if you can find any fingerprints in the bricks. These fingerprints remind us that nearly 300 enslaved people, of all ages, made their mark on Montpelier.

Since enslaved adults and children did most of the work at Montpelier, they didn’t have a lot of time for fun. What did they do when they did have a little time to themselves? Archaeologists found artifacts – marbles, doll parts, and toy wagon wheels – that tell us that enslaved children sometimes played with toys. Other artifacts, like musical instruments called jaw harps, tell us that enslaved people made music. Many of the activities that enslaved people probably enjoyed, like storytelling or dancing, didn’t leave artifacts in the ground.

The Madisons had much more time to themselves. Written records describe one of their favorite ways to have fun: parties.

Dolley Madison wrote about a barbecue picnic that she and James hosted on the 4th of July 1816. Ninety guests sat at tables set up on the lawn by enslaved people. Enslaved waiters served them roasted meats and punch, and most likely, fresh vegetables from the garden.

We don’t have a written account of what enslaved people had to do to get ready for that party, but historians found one written account that gives us a clue. In 1824, the famous General Lafayette visited Montpelier. A young enslaved maid named Ailsey Payne was there. Years later, she gave a newspaper reporter her eyewitness account. She saw so many horse drawn carriages she could hardly count them. Young enslaved men rode and led the horses. Enslaved people stored all kinds of food and meat in the icehouse. Ailsey Payne helped clean every inch of the House and shined all of the glass, silver, and china.

Ailsey Payne left her mark on Montpelier by telling her story! Will you tell someone about your visit?

Have you ever been asked to “sweep the floor?” Maybe it’s your chore to sweep up the crumbs that fall to the floor after dinner (if you don’t have a dog to do it for you). But have you ever been asked to “sweep the yard?” Archaeologists at Montpelier believe that enslaved people who lived here did just that! They used brooms to sweep away all of the grass and weeds. The ground would have been like a smooth, hard, clay floor.

Sweeping the yard cut down pests and unwanted creatures like ticks, mice, and snakes. It was a natural way of getting rid of pests that ruined food or caused disease.

The building in front of you was once a kitchen. Enslaved cooks labored here from long before sunup to long after sundown to prepare meals for the Madison family and their guests. They could build their hot cooking fires outside in the swept yard so that the work was more tolerable.

Except for the two smokehouses, the buildings here were homes for enslaved families who mostly worked inside the Madisons’ House. Their homes could be crowded, dark, and unbearably hot in summer. Having a smooth, swept yard allowed them to move many of their indoor activities outdoors. Imagine how busy this place would have been!

The ancestors of enslaved people at Montpelier had also swept their yards in Africa.They passed their wisdom along to their descendants. This is just one example of how enslaved people and their ancestors left their mark on Montpelier.

Do you have pets?

The Madisons had a pet parrot named Polly, but most of the animals at Montpelier weren’t pets – they were working animals. Horses pulled plows that made the ground ready for planting wheat or corn. Horses also pulled wagons, loaded with barrels of Montpelier tobaccos or wheat flour, to market in Fredericksburg and Richmond, and brought supplies back. Aleck was an enslaved wagoner who drove and cared for the horses. On one trip to Fredericksburg, Aleck had to borrow 50 cents to go to the blacksmith for new horseshoes so the horses could make the trip back.

Besides horses, there were cows and sheep and pigs at Montpelier. Some animals were raised for food. Sheep were also raised for their woolly coats. Enslaved women spun the wool into yarn or thread, and weavers like Reuben, Amy, and Harriet wove it into cloth.

James Madison wanted to improve the American breeds of cows and sheep. He bought some Merino sheep, because their wool was so good. A friend gave him some Devon calves as a gift, because they were a better breed of cows.

Animals made their mark at Montpelier – and so did the people who worked with them and took care of them!

How do we know what we know about the past? We can’t ask the people who used to live here— they’re long gone. We have to piece together clues from “primary sources”— letters, journals, diaries, paintings, and newspapers. History is kind of like a giant jigsaw puzzle— as we put the pieces together, a picture of the past emerges!

The very first people to live at Montpelier were Native Americans, or Indigenous people. They didn’t leave written records behind, but they did leave artifacts– objects that were made or shaped or used with their own hands. People who study artifacts are called archaeologists. Montpelier’s archaeologists have discovered artifacts that are about 2000 years old. That tells us that Indigenous people were here, thousands of years before the Madisons, or enslaved people, ever set foot on this land.

The Manahoac tribe were the native people living on this land just before the Madisons arrived here. Artifacts show us that the Manahoac made their mark by making their homes here for periods of time. The artifacts found near President Madison’s house, and near his grandparent’s house at Mount Pleasant–objects such as ceramics, stone tools, and projectile points— show us that the Manahoac thought these were good places to live too.

Did you know that there are descendants of Manahoac people living and making their mark in Virginia today? They are now part of the Monocan tribe, one of the 7 Federally recognized tribes in Virginia.

Some of the people that left their mark on Montpelier are buried here in the Madison family Cemetery. Can you guess which of these gravestones marks the final resting place of James Madison? It’s the tallest monument, and it’s called an obelisk. Today it’s easy to spot Madison’s grave, but if you visited Montpelier in the first 20 years after his death, you wouldn’t know where he was buried unless you were a member of his family. James Madison passed away on June 28, 1836, and two days later, he was buried here, in an unmarked grave.

Why would a president of the United States be buried in an unmarked grave? Today we usually place a marker at the head of a grave, but in the 1700s and 1800s people didn’t always do that, especially in a family cemetery where everyone knew where their family members were buried. If you count the gravestones you’ll find that there are about 30, but we know there are about 100 Madison family members buried here.

It wasn’t until 20 years later that people, outside of the Madison family, decided to place the large gravestone to honor the “Father of the Constitution.” Now, ready for a creepy story? Before placing the gravestone, a deep foundation had to be dug to a depth below James Madison’s coffin. “The boards placed above the coffin had decayed…and the coffin lid was slightly out of place…” so the men digging the foundation opened the coffin lid and “looked in upon the remains…” of James Madison!

Some people made their mark at Montpelier by leaving it.

Anthony was just 17 years old when he decided to make his escape from Montpelier. He had been enslaved here all his life, working in the Madisons’ house, and he was ready to take a big risk for freedom. James Madison’s father placed an ad in the newspaper to say that Anthony had escaped. The ad said that Anthony had light hair and gray eyes, and it described his coats, pants, striped overalls, hat, and buckled shoes. The ad offered a reward for capturing Anthony.

Anthony didn’t want to be caught, so he told people his name was Robert Jones. But one year after he escaped, Anthony was found, about 70 miles from Montpelier. He told the men who captured him that he had traveled to port cities in Virginia, to Philadelphia, and even the West Indies.

But the very next day, Anthony escaped again. He managed to get papers that said he was a free man named Billy Willis. There was a rumor that he was heading to Philadelphia. The Madisons never heard from him again. What happened next is a mystery. But Anthony left his mark by taking a big risk for freedom.

The duPont Family bought Montpelier in 1901 and made many changes to the House and the property. Did you see the racetrack on your way in today? You might even have seen some horses!

Marion duPont Scott loved horses and horse racing. She helped make Montpelier one of the most important horse training centers in America. When three of her favorite horses passed away, she had them buried here and put up these markers to remember them.

Perhaps her favorite horse was Battleship. He was so small that people called him the “American Pony,” but Marion DuPont Scott knew that he had big talent. She sent him across the ocean to race in the British “Grand National,” an important steeplechase race that is still run today. The race is over 4 miles long, and the horses have to jump 30 fences! Many people thought that a small horse like Battleship couldn’t possibly win, but in 1938 he surprised them all! To this day, he is still the smallest horse ever to win the British Grand National. You might say that Battleship left his hoofprints on the history of horse racing!

Marion duPont Scott left another mark on Montpelier. She wanted to share Montpelier and its story with everyone. Thanks to her, you can visit Montpelier today!

Lots of people made their mark on Montpelier. But there are two people you might already know: James and Dolley Madison!

How did James Madison make his mark? He was a Virginia lawmaker, a US Congressman, the Secretary of State, and our 4th President! (Not all at the same time.)

But most importantly, Madison was “Father of the Constitution” and “Architect of the Bill of Rights.” He didn’t write those documents all by himself, but he shared lots of good ideas that still help us govern our country. Madison got his ideas from reading books right here at Montpelier, and he made notes to take to the Constitutional Convention.

Madison could spend so much time in public service because his family had money from owning this plantation. The Madisons enslaved people who grew crops and tended animals. The enslaved people didn’t have much choice about being here, but their hard work made Madison’s career possible. The enslaved people made their mark as the “invisible Founders” of our country.

Dolley Madison made her mark too. James was shy and quiet, but Dolley liked to bring people together for dinners and parties, especially in Washington, DC. That made it easier for James to connect with other people in government.

As you explore Montpelier, see what else you’ll find out about people making their mark!

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